Australia Institute research touches on most of the terms of reference for the Joint Standing Committee on Electoral Matters (JSCEM) inquiry into the 2025 federal election. This submission examines recent political finance changes; the state of political communications; the Commonwealth Parliament’s size, tenure, and composition; and public participation in the political process.

Political finance changes

The Electoral Reform Act passed by the major parties earlier this year is unfair, undemocratic and fails to serve its stated objectives. It was rushed and may well be unconstitutional.

Integrity groups have identified six immediate reforms that would go someway to undoing the damage done, but broader reforms are needed to level the playing field in Australian elections.

Political communications

With misleading advertising presenting serious problems at recent elections, it is time for Parliament to legislate truth in political advertising laws like those that have worked in South Australia for 40 years.

The largest source of complaints at election time is the way political parties insert themselves into the postal voting application process. This is unnecessary and damages public trust in both the electoral system and the Australian Electoral Commission. Reforms at the state level prove political parties can be removed from this process.

Political parties are reportedly sharing voters’ personal information with third parties. This is made possible by the special exemptions they receive from the Privacy Act and Spam Act.

Parliamentary size, length and composition

Australia’s population has grown by 11 million people since there was last an increase in the number of parliamentarians. This means few Australians meet or interact with their local member; regional and rural electorates grow ever-larger; the talent pool for ministers and committee chairs is shallower than it could be; and legislation and inquiries do not receive proper attention.

Perversely, political staff numbers have increased in line with population, so there are proportionally as many people employed in politics – just not as local members.

As well as an across-the-board increase in political representation, an increase in territory senator numbers specifically is warranted. Relative to Tasmania, the Australian Capital Territory and Northern Territory are underrepresented in terms of the number of senators that they elect. Increasing the number of senators to at least four per territory would go some way to correcting this imbalance. It would also guarantee that both major parties are represented among each territory’s cohort.

Having a fixed term for the House of Representatives, similar to the practice in some states and territories, would help with legislation planning. However, four-year terms are impossible without a referendum, something that the Prime Minister has ruled out, and so discussion of lengthening the term of Parliament is a distraction from the large volume of unfinished democratic reform.

In the 2025 election, one-third of Australians cast a first preference vote for an independent or minor party candidate – but this is not reflected in the distribution of members elected to the House of Representatives. Multi-member electorates would be more representative. Major parties would also benefit from proportional representation, by avoiding electoral ‘wipeouts’, being able to preselect quality candidates wherever they live and having party rooms that better reflect the geographical distribution of the party’s voters.

Political participation

Compulsory voting helps maintain high voter turnout in Australia’s elections. However, in the 2025 election, over one-in-four of the voting-age population in Australia did not cast a vote that was counted. This has multiple causes, including how difficult it is to become an Australian citizen.

There is a strong case for lowering the minimum voting age to 16.

The 2025 election saw a historic low in the proportion of votes cast on election day, as early voting is becoming increasingly popular. This diminishes election day as a celebration of democracy and a coming-together of the community, and means voters miss out on information that arises in the last days of the campaign.

Because it has not changed since the 1980s, the deterrent effect from the fine for not voting is reduced. The maxim that ‘If you don’t vote, you don’t count’ suggests that the disadvantaged and disengaged suffer most when turnout is low.